Policing –
Achieving Dynamic Equilibrium
Hathras –
Lessons and Need to Evolve and Change Tracks
While
the Law in Motion series continues, my conscience as well of the entire nation
has been shocked by the widely publicised Hathras incident and many more which
have gone un-noticed. Not only the
police and administration but the politicians and the image of the country has
taken a beating. The un-interrupted coverage and rant by certain sections of
media does highlight the problems but it also highlights the fissures and a
‘not so appropriate image’ of the country. Needless to say, it creates fear and
phobia too in the minds of the weaker and under-privileged sections. It may
therefore only be appropriate to address some of the issues for the public and
policy makers alike so that we can devise solutions rather than be left behind
in this race with deviants and criminals. A short break from creating awareness
to focussing on possible solutions is therefore desirable.
A
number of incidents reported countrywide, which have grabbed headlines for
wrong reasons. A lot of blame has come to police for inaction or delayed action
and inability to attend to complaints and complainants in a timely manner.
While police is the primary and initial interface
for the governments for public in distress, a lot of flak also comes on the
ruling governments and political dispensations.
The
CrPC (Section 154) provides for registration of FIRs (First Information
Reports) if a cognizable offence is reported to police. However, it is a common
perception and knowledge that all reports of cognizable offences (where police
can arrest without warrant) are not registered as FIRs.
This
non-registration of FIRs is on account of a number of factors, some of which
may be as follows:
1. That Cognizable offences are not made out
by report;
2. That the police does not want to increase
its workload in investigation;
3. That increased registration gives a
statistical impression that crime and law and order are not under control;
4. Distance of the victim or place of
occurrence from the police station;
5. Delay in reporting of crime or incident to
the police station or magistrate;
6. Disputes on the exact police jurisdiction
where either the crime took place or the victim resides or where the crime
(FIR) should be registered;
7. That the complainants are under-privileged
or uneducated or from poor or weaker section and do not know the legal
processes/formalities;
8. That the police is perceived as corrupt or
biased or inaccessible for a common man;
9. Lack of adequate staff for investigating
incidents reported to police – the number of officers available or the quality
of manpower available which can undertake investigation into incidents reported
to police;
10. Inadequate infrastructure by way of shortage
of vehicles, office stationery, funds to support investigation (FSL reports,
copying of electronic evidence, TA-DA for police officers travelling outside
for investigation, feeding of prisoners (accused/suspects) in police lock-ups,
cameras for taking photographs, laptops/PCs for writing cases diaries or police
reports, money for making telephone calls or sending information to accused
persons/suspects or even to colleagues for assistance in investigation –
usually police station staff are expected to fend for themselves, etc.;
11. Informal and casual interference by seniors
or extraneous elements and personal prejudices;
12. Non-availability of time for investigation
due other law and order work in the jurisdiction;
This list is indicative and the reasons
can be almost endless. Add to these the individual attitudes, attributes,
differences and prejudices of the ‘frontline policemen’ and the problems get
compounded many times.
[A] Policing Short-cuts:
These
result in minor crimes not being
registered as either FIRs or even as Station Diary/ General Diary entries
and perhaps action under Section 107 is
not initiated.
Police
also resorts to opening of informal
'complainants and inquiry registers' where the reports made to police -
whether on cognizable or non-cognizable cases are kept as loose sheets without record, almost till posterity or till the complainant has been made to do a few
rounds to the police station to check up the status.
These
practices do not have the sanction of law and are irregular and sometimes
unlawful or even criminal (where it is mandatory to register FIRs).
Sometimes,
this results in smaller instances like
stalking (physical or cyber stalking)
or eve-teasing or misdemeanours going un-noticed and unattended by the law
enforcement officers, and this tends
to embolden the deviants to continue their misdeeds, sometimes resulting in
disastrous consequences and crimes.
Prompt action by police would send
signals to the public at large about the police being effective, efficient and
trustworthy.
However,
there are a few basic hurdles in achieving these goals:
[B] The
political overtones and responsibility-
Law
and order as per the Constitutional scheme of things is a State subject which
means that the State police and judiciary works under the State government.
While judiciary is mostly independent of executive control, police is works
under the control and directives of the executive.
Unfortunately,
the parameters being used for depicting
that law and order and crime are under control in the country are nothing less
than archaic. The mind-set of the
political executive and the bureaucracy is even more archaic.
The
single biggest factor used to assess whether law and order is ‘under control’ is the statistics on the various
crimes reported in the State. These State-wide figures are then broken down
to the level of the ranges, police districts and then to the police stations. Any district which reports more crime over
the previous years is looked down upon. The same sentiment percolates to the
police station level.
A
statistical increase in number is seen
as a deterioration of law and order and the police establishment is castigates as being inefficient and
ineffective.
While
there are general directives to ‘control
law and order’, the policeman in the
district and police station translates that into registering and reflecting
diminishing statistics in its records. This leads to the public been shooed away or discouraged from filing
Incident Reports (INCREPS) to the police station, either orally or in writing.
Resultantly, police controls the ‘crime figures and statistics’ but not the
crime. The crimes still take place, going unreported at times and
un-registered at others while on still other occasions, despite being reported,
not being reflected in the statistics because either GDE/SDE are not made or
FIRs are not lodged. This control over crime and law and order is artificial
and misleading.
The
unwelcome environment and approach of
the policeman in the police station or the street potentially leads to lack
of trust in the police, people exploring extra-legal mechanisms of dispute
resolution and more importantly a stalemate
– where information about crimes and
criminals stops flowing to the police. This
lack of trust and friendliness hits at the root of all other policing functions
too.
The
preventive work of police which should draw its strength from the mutual trust
and comfort, suffers. The crime sky
rockets while the police uncomfortably projects that things are hunky dory.
It
is, unfathomable that when the annual growth rate of population in the
country is about 1.2 percent, and newer and newer technologies and methods of
transport, communication and inter-personal interaction (whether for private or
business purposes) are evolving every day, the criminals and reported crimes would be left behind. It would be
paradoxical if the reported crime
rate/figures were either to remain static or show a downward trend.
The
slightest hint of a static or a downward
curve, should in fact be seen as a symptom of a greater
malignancy – either there is no reporting or no registration or that the
police is not doing its duty diligently and professionally or that the public
in the particular area does not trust the police. However, when we fail to
treat the disease and overlook the symptoms too, we, as leaders fail.
It
is the duty of the police leaders at various level to convince the civilian
bureaucracy and the political leadership about these intricacies – statistical crime control does not indicate
a rosy picture. It would, in all probability be misleading.
In
the same vein it is also essential that the police and political leadership of
the day takes the opposition into confidence and rectifies this wrong. After
all, someone who is ruling now could be sitting on the other side of the
benches tomorrow. The anomalies in
statistical reporting need to be rectified. But everyone has to be taken
on-board in this.
Having
outlined the issues briefly, I will try to dwell upon the solutions in the next
article in the series.
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